The
Havoc Education Reform Inflicts: Education
Blueprint 2013-2025 (Part 4 of 5)
M.
Bakri Musa
Fourth
of Five Parts: Roar of An Elephant, Baby
of a Mouse
[In the first three parts I critiqued the Blueprint’s recommendations;
specifically its failure to recognize the diversity within our school system
and thus the need to have targeted programs, the challenge of recruiting
quality teachers, and the link between efficiency efficacy, and quality. In this Part Four, I discuss the major areas the
report ignores.]
Education
Blueprint 2013-2025 lacks clear authorship. The document carries forewords by Najib,
Muhyyiddin, and the ministry’s Secretary-General as well as its Director
General, while the Appendix credits a long list of those involved in this
“robust, comprehensive, and collaborative effort,” but the Blueprint itself is
unsigned.
It
is also impossible to tell who actually is in charge of this whole reform
effort. According to the complicated
box-chart diagram, the entire endeavor was anchored in a 12-member “Project
Management Office” (PMO) that reported to the Ministry’s Director-General as
well as to an 11-member “Project Taskforce” that in turn reported to
Muhyyiddin. Both the PMO and Taskforce
are manned exclusively by ministry officials.
Then there are the local and international panels of experts.
Such
a convoluted arrangement could easily degenerate into a morass when no
individual is tasked to be in charge.
Every military operation needs a commanding general; every orchestra, a
conductor. That is the greatest
deficiency with this reform exercise; no one was in charge, likewise with
writing the report.
This
is typical of the Malaysian civil service “management by committee” mode. So it is difficult to heap praise, or in this
case, lay blame. That no one was in
charge could be gauged by the final product.
For a report that claims to be comprehensive, aimed no less at
transforming the system, it is disjointed and lacks a central theme. It heaps praise on the system’s “remarkable
achievements” for the past 55 years. If
that is so, why reform it? The Blueprint embellishes how well our
students had performed on national examinations over the years, and then cites
the PISA and TIMSS reports that indicate otherwise.
There
are also many technical but irritating deficiencies, as with the lack of references. The Appendix makes only general references to
reports from such bodies as the World Bank, OECD, and UNESCO. Those are relatively easy to trace. However, when it quotes studies done by local
universities, there are no specific references, leading one to suspect that
those studies are not of publishable quality.
Those
aside, my greatest disappointment is the Blueprint’s
failure to address the system’s obvious and critical weaknesses that demand
immediate attention: rural national
schools; religious stream; and vocational education. All three regularly perform at the bottom;
improve them and you improve the system’s overall performance. For another, the students affected are mostly
if not exclusively poor Malays. This
failure to address their problems is made more incomprehensible and inexcusable
because those involved with this reform, from Muhyyiddin on downwards, are mostly
Malays. While today they may live in
plush bungalows at Putrajaya, scratch a bit and the kampongness would ooze out
of their pores. During Hari Raya they
all fled en mass balek kampong.
Surely
on those trips they would hear and see the plight of the children of their
cousins and other relatives. I too was
once one of those children. On visiting
my kampong recently, I was painfully reminded of my earlier challenges. Only now they are worse.
At
least during my childhood I could dream that if I were to do well in school, I
could escape my kampong. Today even if
those children were to excel, their opportunities would be severely limited
because their limited command of English.
Then
there is the problem of school transportation.
At least during my time there was a bus service, erratic though that
was. Today there is none. Those children have to depend on fellow
villagers who happen to have a car. If
perchance he is sick or slept over that morning, then those half a dozen or so
children that he normally packs into his tiny Kancil would miss school.
The
biggest school expense my parents faced was their children’s bus fares. It still is for those village parents. American schools are required to provide free
transportation especially for rural students.
During colonial rule schools had hostels to cater for those from remote
areas. If we have more such facilities
then those students would not have to cross rickety bridges over dangerous
rivers as often.
The
wonder is that chronic absenteeism and academic underachievement are not worse
with kampong kids. The Blueprint does not address this. A simple solution would be to have specific
transportation allocation for each school for those pupils who live far
away. The headmaster would then issue
vouchers to be redeemed by the student and the village taxi driver. Better yet, the school could contract
directly with individual village car owners and taxi drivers. There are other possibilities; all you need
is for someone to first identify the problem and then diligently think about
solving it.
The
panel should be less enamored with advanced countries like Finland and South
Korea, and instead learn from such poor countries as Mexico. The problems of our kampong children are
closer to those of Mexico than South Korea.
Mexico’s Progressa program pays poor rural families for their
children to attend school. The scheme
also extends to healthcare as with immunizations. The money typically goes to the mothers. The program has been modernized such that
there are no transfers of cold cash as in the past, rather direct deposit into
bank accounts. Yes, bank accounts for
poor illiterate villagers! That also
brings them into the modern economy, quite apart from bypassing petty local
civil servants.
The
poor are identified through direct surveys, so even those who do not register
or distrustful of governments are not missed.
The program is specifically divorced from the ruling political party;
hence no political patronage and the associated corruption and leakage. The initiative has been remarkably effective
in targeting the hard-core poor, and with low administrative costs.
Progressa reveals the close relationship
between health, poverty, and educational achievements, and that all three could
be simultaneously addressed effectively with a social initiative that is low
cost, highly efficient, and remarkably efficacious. Progressa
underscores the wisdom of former US Surgeon General Jocelyn Elders, “You
can’t educate a child who is not healthy, and you can’t keep a child healthy
who isn’t educated.”
Then
there are the dilapidated conditions of rural schools; many lack power and
potable water. If they have power then
they could use computers and two-way videoconferencing so that one teacher
centrally located could serve several classes from different schools. This is particularly useful for small schools
as they can be combined online.
Similarly, the shortage of teachers for specialized subjects like music
could be overcome by sharing one teacher rotated among many schools in one
district. Both strategies are
effectively used in rural America.
As
for vocational education, we cannot be an economic power unless we have well
trained and skillful workforce for manufacturing as well as for the service
sector. Specifically for Malays, the
only way for signs like “Mahmud Motor Repairs” and “Halimah Hair Saloon” to appear
on our main streets is to train these skillful workers. Again, we do not have to re-invent the
wheel. Germany provides an excellent
example of industry/school collaborative apprenticeship programs.
Then
there are the religious schools. They share
all the challenges of national schools, only worse. Physically, the standard of hygiene of their
canteens is atrocious while their hostels are death traps, lacking basic safety
features as sprinkler systems. They lack
even mosquito nets.
Beyond
the awful facilities, the religious stream faces an even far daunting
challenge. Its educational philosophy,
pedagogical approach, and learning psychology are archaic, misguided, and
simply wrong. This is an affliction
peculiar not only to Malaysia but also most Muslim countries, and from the
highest institutions like Al Azhar to the lowest local Al Arqam preschool.
Abdullah
Munshi best described the approach and philosophy of modern education: It treats the human mind as a knife to be
sharpened. Current Islamic education on
the other hand considers the human mind a dustbin to be filled with dogmas.
The
possibilities with a sharp knife are limitless.
In the hands of a surgeon it can cure cancer; a sculptor, an exquisite
work of art. With a dustbin all you
could get out of it is what you put in, nothing more. That assumes nothing gets stuck or crushed at
the bottom. Yes, a sharp knife in the
hands of a thug is a lethal killing weapon.
This is where religious education comes in so that when we send our
young abroad to study nuclear engineering they will come home to manufacture
radio-pharmaceuticals to cure cancer, and not build nuclear weapons.
What
goes on in those religious schools and universities is indoctrination
masquerading as education. The emphasis
is on mindless recitations and the quoting of earlier scholars and
luminaries. The strength of your
argument is not based on logic or data but the pedigree of your quoted
authorities. Religious education as
presently practiced entraps rather than liberates Muslim minds.
The
irony is that modern education has all the hallmarks of early Muslim practices
and philosophy, at least until the so-called “closure of the Gate of Ijtihad”
in the 12th Century. Many
would attribute the decline of the Muslim world since then to this “closure of
ijtihad” and with it, the closing of the Muslim mind. Those longing for an Islamic Renaissance
would do well to first critically examine current religious education.
The
other irony is that only in America and Singapore, two secular countries with
Muslim minorities, have Islamic schools been modernized. Blueprint
2013-2025 does not even address religious education in Malaysia.
Religion
is now a major influence in national schools.
That is one reason why non-Malays are abandoning the system. Removing religious studies from national
schools, as some are advocating, is not the solution. Then we would be back to my childhood days,
where I was put in the hands of the pondok
ustads in afternoon schools. The
only way I survived that intellectual dissonance was to strictly
compartmentalize my mind between my morning secular school and afternoon
religious one. Sooner or later I had to
reconcile the obvious contradictions. We
should never burden young minds with such heavy dilemmas; instead we should
guide them in reconciling the two and thus benefiting from both.
We
should teach our young early that there is no contradiction between secular and
religious knowledge, and that the division between the two is false and artificial. Keeping religion in our national schools
would best demonstrate that unity of knowledge.
Metaphorically put, modern education sharpens the knife while religious
education guides one to use it as a surgeon or sculptor would, to good purpose. I do not suspend my rational capacity on
reading the Koran or listening to a sermon, and I do not shelve my religious
convictions when I conduct scientific experiments or operate on my patients.
Before
we could bring religious studies into national schools, the manner, objective
and philosophy of teaching it would have to be revamped. It should be taught as an academic subject, not
as theology.
After
discussing these major deficiencies, it would seem petty if not anti-climactic
to cite the Blueprint’s other omissions,
which pale in comparison. However, I
will include two more. Though seemingly
minor, they reflect the panel’s lack of diligence and failure to critically
analyze data.
The
Blueprint quotes at length in the
text and appendix both TIMSS and PISA.
Malaysia paid considerable sums to participate in those studies. They are well designed and tested a broad
spectrum of students so as to get as representative a sample as possible. However, its report presents only a composite
of the nation as a whole.
As
is obvious, there are vast differences between the students at Penang’s Chung
Ling versus Kelantan’s Madrasah Al-Bakriyyah, between SMK Ulu Temiang versus
SMJK (Tamil) Ulu Tiram. Those
differences would be captured in the data of TIMSS and PISA but Malaysian
scholars and policymakers have not analyzed them.
In
America, Singapore, and elsewhere those statistics are pored over, with reams
of papers published. Not so in
Malaysia. That is all the more
surprising as the data are in the public domain. Had that been done, the disparities within
Malaysia would have been shocking.
Perhaps that was why the panel contends itself only with the composite
findings.
The
one chapter missing from the Blueprint would be, “Lessons From The Past.” There is no attempt at critically looking at
past reforms, their successes and especially the failures. If we do not examine them we are no likely to
learn and thus likely to repeat the same mistakes. Then when the next Minister of Education
arrives, he too would once again embark on another “bold, comprehensive, and
transforming reform.”
If
I were to be tasked with this awesome responsibility of reviewing our education
system, I would approach it differently.
And that will be the focus of my next and last part of this commentary.
Next: Part 5:
Cannot Be Part of the Solution if You Are Part of the Problem
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