Who To Vote For In the Next Election
M. Bakri Musa
www.bakrimusa.com
Elections A System
for Checks and Balances
[First of Four Parts]
When he dissolved Parliament on April 3, 2013, to make way for
a general election, Prime Minister Najib advised us to “think and ponder
appropriately” before casting our votes.
We can
practice two mental exercises to help us “think and ponder appropriately.” One,
imagine the best and worse possible consequences of our vote, that is, perform a
“downstream analysis” of our decision. Two, reflect on the greater role of
election as an effective bulwark against abuse of power by those in authority.
I will
discuss the broader role of elections first. Subsequent essays will be a
downstream analysis of the only three possible outcomes to this election: Barisan Nasional returning to power; Pakatan Rakyat
to prevail; and a “hung” parliament.
The most
effective check on those in power is the knowledge that they could be replaced
in an election. The more this is a reality and not just in theory, the more
effective is this critical role. Elections serve as periodic useful reminders.
Even where
elections are fair and free, but if the same leaders and party were to be re-elected
over and over, they would sooner or later succumb to sclerosis and abuse of
power, regardless how competent and well meaning they were initially. It is the
rare leader who could escape this all-too-human tendency. We must have actual
periodic change in government through elections, and not just the promise.
With rigged
and fraudulent elections, or where the process is merely illusory, as with having
only one candidate per slot (Russian elections of yore and the election of UMNO
President), the less effective they would be in keeping those in power
accountable. Saddam Hussein bragged that those who did not like him could always
vote him out, but Iraqi elections under him were a sham. Had he kept those
elections honest, he would have discovered his people’s true sentiment much
earlier, and the price to both him and his country would have been considerably
less.
The British
decided through elections that their popular and effective wartime leader
Churchill would not be the best person to lead them during peacetime. They
wisely concluded that he would quickly turn the Cold War into a “hot” one, as reflected
by his hawkish and haughty Iron Curtain speech.
Yes, the British
were grateful to him for leading and inspiring them during the war, but that
gratitude could be expressed in many other ways. Elections are for selecting
the best future leaders, not for
expressing gratitude for or rewarding past performance, no matter how exemplary.
Foremost
and at the practical level, election is a way to pass judgment on the
incumbent. It is not, as some have suggested, a contest between the incumbent
and challenger. It is for the incumbent to prove that he deserves another term
independent of the merit or capability of the challenger. The incumbent’s
performance is a matter of record, and can be readily scrutinized.
If the
incumbent has proven to be less than capable, then he should be voted out even
if the challenger is thought of as potentially not up to the task of taking
over. The argument would be that the incumbent has proven himself incapable while the challenger is only regarded (meaning, only potentially) as
such. There is the possibility that our initial assessment could be wrong and that
the challenger would prove otherwise. There are many ready examples of previously
underrated candidates later shining in office; Harry Truman being one.
The first
and only question voters must ask before casting their votes in this next
election is whether the current Barisan government is deserving of another
term. All other matters, as whether other parties are capable of taking over,
are irrelevant and besides, conjectural.
Consider three
critical areas: economy, education, and
level of corruption. Barisan’s economic leadership is passable. It is exemplary
only when compared to that of Zimbabwe. Granted, by the figures Malaysia
outperforms America and Western Europe (and even Singapore), but remember those
countries are already cruising at high altitude. We are still ascending. We need faster growth. We should compare
ourselves to China and Panama.
Even Ghana and Laos
surpassed us last year.
More
pertinent especially to those under the sway of Perkasa and Ketuanan Melayu, is the aggregate
economic performance of Malays. After nearly six decades of UMNO rule, we still
could not achieve our modest 30 percent goal.
Then there
is education. No one, not even the Minister of Education himself, is satisfied
with our schools. Those who can afford it have long ago abandoned the national
stream. Again looking from the Perkasa and Ketuanan
Melayu angle, only poor Malays are stuck with that rapidly declining
system. Consequently, while a generation ago I could still find many Malays at
the leading universities of the world; today Malays there are as rare as
honesty among UMNO politicians.
The
much-heralded growth of the private sector in education is not a sign of health
rather the contrary. It reflects a deteriorating public system. Alberta and
Singapore do not have robust private-sector education because their public
systems are so much superior.
Talking
about corruption, well, there is no point dwelling on it anymore. We are past
the tipping point; we are now where Nigeria was in the 1980s. The only
way to stop corruption is to deprive UMNO of power. The recent Court of Appeal decision
granting one Eskay Abdullah, an UMNO strongman and a member of the slimy “Datuk
T’s” trio, his RM20 million “commission” on the aborted crooked bridge in Johor
reflects the rot in UMNO. We cannot blame non-Malays for seeing that as the characteristic of contemporary Malay
politics and ethics.
Elections are
like multiple choice tests, to pick the best candidate from the list offered The
incumbent always argue that his past performance had been superior or at any
rate better than what his opponents could ever hope to achieve; the challenger
offers the promise of a brighter future. Voters have to balance the risk of
changing horse midstream versus being stuck with a lame one to face an incoming
flood.
Malaysians
already know how lame our current horse is. Worse, it has a voracious appetite
that is severely taxing us, literally and figuratively. This next election is
an opportunity for Malaysians to send this lame one to the glue factory and
hitch our ride on a new vigorous steed.
There is
only one effective way to teach those who have long been in power and grown
arrogant into believing that they are destined to rule forever, and that is to
vote them out of office. Then even if their successor were to prove less than
satisfactory, it would still have served a salutary lesson on both.
Mexico’s PRI of
today is a much superior political party and led by a much younger, more
capable and decidedly less corrupt leader than it was a decade ago when it was
booted out after having been in power continuously for the preceding 71 years.
Those who
believe that UMNO is “rotten to the core,” no amount of calls for
transformation and reform from within or without would be as effective as throwing
the party out.
Malaysia has
another equally important reason to see regular changes in government. Stated
briefly, it is to teach our sultans specifically and the permanent
establishment generally the important lesson of being politically neutral. They
cannot bank on or be overly cozy with the ruling party. That our sultans and
civil servants have yet to learn this crucial lesson of democracy was
demonstrated by the ugly political mess in Perak, and to a lesser extent in
Selangor and Trengganu following the last election.
It is also for
this reason that I am optimistic of a smooth transition at the federal level
with the coming general elections should Barisan be booted out. We are fortunate
to have Kedah’s Sultan Halim as Agong, not because he had that role earlier,
rather his recent experience with the smooth transition from UMNO to PAS in his
home state following the 2008 election. His performance then shamed his brother
rulers in Perak (especially), Selangor, and Trengganu.
Our sultans
and members of the permanent establishment too need frequent reminding on the
need to be politically neutral and to be professional about it.
Next: Second of Four Parts: Downstream Analysis – A Barisan Win is No
Victory for Malaysia
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