Prime Minister Anwar Mocks His Own Crusade Against Corruption

 Prime Minister Anwar Mocks His Own Crusade Against Corruption

M. Bakri Musa

Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim missed a splendid opportunity to reaffirm his anti-corruption resolve when he dismissed Bloomberg’s February 3, 2026 article linking the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) Chief Azam Baki to local “corporate mafia” figures.

            Imagine if Anwar had reacted thus: “I cannot dismiss such serious allegations. I have demanded that MACC Chief Azam Baki take immediate leave pending a thorough investigation to be headed by former Chief Justice Tun Tengku Maimun.” Or someone of similar stature.

            Instead, Anwar chided his critics and asked them to “read his [Azam Baki’s] explanation.” Anwar also did not help himself or his cause in having a high level internal “Special Committee” to investigate the matter. 

In announcing the Special Committee, Communications Minister Fahmi Fadzil did not mention whether Azam Baki would continue in his current duties. Nor did his fellow ministers see fit to raise this issue. 

            Azam Baki was not Anwar’s appointee, rather a carryover from the previous administrations of Muhyiddin Yassin and Ismail Sabri. Azam Baki’s contract, due to end May 2 2026, had been extended in the past albeit very briefly three times, including twice by Anwar. 

It is noteworthy that Muhyiddin’s own corruption trial is set to begin next month. He was arrested in March 2023 following his coalition’s loss in the November 2022 General Elections. As for Ismail Sabri, MACC had seized over RM 169 million in cold cash as well as gold bars from “safe houses” linked to him. He has yet to be charged. More significant, he had made no effort to reclaim those seized spoils. Draw your own conclusion.

Malaysia has serious problems with corruption. The current allegations are made not by a rag publication but Bloomberg, citing specific individuals, places, and transactions. That begs for thorough investigations. That the publication had been successfully sued for libel in the past is no excuse. Meanwhile Malaysia’s resolve in fighting corruption must trump everything else.

As for Malaysia’s record in combating corruption, yes, former Prime Minister Najib Razak is now in jail and will remain there for the next few decades unless pardoned by a future misguided Agung. Najib is now joined by his former minister Isa Samad, having recently exhausted his long, extended appeals. 

Anwar cannot claim credit for either. Najib’s arrest in July 2018 followed the defeat of his coalition in the April 2018 elections. He was convicted in July 2020. That and his other corruption convictions were initiated long before the Anwar Administration. Also worth reminding is that Najib was convicted not by in-house or career civil servant prosecutors.

As for Anwar’s commitment and track record in fighting corruption, the case of his own Deputy Ahmad Zahid is instructive as well as revealing. He was arrested in October 2018, also following his party’s defeat in the April 2018 General Elections, for misappropriating funds belonging to his family-run foundation, Akalbudi. Anwar was very much aware of that when he appointed Zahid to be his Deputy following the November 2022 General Elections. Zahid had since seen his case “dismissed not amounting to an acquittal,” and later completely dismissed. Both occurred under Anwar’s watch. Again, draw your own conclusion.

It was thus not a surprise that Azam Baki alluded to Ahmad Zahid’s case in refusing to resign. By allowing Zahid to hold on to his top cabinet position despite being charged, Anwar had set a new acceptable ethical standard.  

“Innocent till proven guilty” is for criminal proceedings. When appointing individuals to the nation’s highest positions, the standard must necessarily be much more stringent, as with not even a hint of impropriety. Anwar failed in this.

All is not lost. Anwar can still redeem himself. Relieve Azam Baki of his position immediately. Get an outsider to head the Anti-Corruption Agency. My top choice would be his former Economic Minister Rafizi Ramli, now an effective critic. A former forensic accountant, Rafizi could spot holes in those dry corporate figures. Rafizi’s nomination would dent the nation’s crippling social blight and at the same time enhance Anwar’s image as a corruption buster. 

 

The bane of Hofstede's "Power Distance"

          

The Bane of Hofstede’s “Power Distance”

M. Bakri Musa

Feb 8, 2026

Updated excerpt from my Qur’an, Hadith, and Quran In Critical Thinking.

 

This excessive deference to one’s superior is not unique to feudal Malaysia. It is also the bane of many Asian cultures. Geert Hofstede coined the term “power distance” to describe the phenomenon. It leads not only to massive corruption as with Najib and his 1MDB heist, but also loss of innocent lives, as with Korea’s national airline’s many deadly debacles during the last decade of the 20th Century.

 

         Korean Airlines then was cursed with many fatal crashes, leading to its temporary ban from American airspace in 2001. The one major and consistent contributing factor uncovered during the ensuing investigations was that in each instance the junior officers knew that their captain was undertaking dangerous maneuvers but dared not challenge him. There are life and death consequences to this undue deference and unquestioned loyalty to one’s superiors.

 

         Fortunately, the airline’s chief executive recognized the wider ramification of the underlying pathology. In Koren culture and thus language, as in Malay, there are literally dozens of synonyms for “I” and “you” depending in the social status of the addressee and the addressor, akin to the Malay “Beta” and “patek” when a sultan addresses a peasant. 

 

         There are considerable ramifications and implications to such clear demarcations of social status. Can you imagine a “patek” correcting a sultan even when the latter is in gross error and endangering himself and others around? If a Korean First Officer is reluctant to correct his erring Captain, imagine a “patek” with a Tuanku! Therein lies the problem in Malaysia, specifically Malay society.

 

         With Malaysia modernizing, one would expect this regressive feudalistic trait to decline and fall on its own weight. Far from it! This odious cultural artifact is even more embellished, elaborate, and

becoming entrenched. Peruse Malaysia’s royal awards. Every nation has its own system of recognizing her exemplary citizens, and for good reasons. By doing so, society is implicitly displaying and honoring its values in the hope that others would be inspired to follow in the footsteps of those honored. American honorees include sportsmen Tiger Woods and Muhammad Ali, writer

Toni Morrison, musician Bruce Springsteen, and physician-scientist Anthony Fauci. It would be unnecessary to mention their accomplishments; they are obvious.

 

         Contrast that to the Malaysian list. All Chief Secretaries to the government would receive a Tan Sri no matter how inept. Ali Hamsa had one; he was the top civil servant when the 1MDB heist happened. Likewise, all Chief Justices would get a Tun even those caught on tape “fixing” cases on the phone with defense lawyers, as with the infamous case of “Correct! Correct! Correct!” V K Lingam (the Datuk defense lawyer) and Tun Ahmad Fairuz, the Chief Justice involved. More than a few of those honored have been convicted of crimes, including former Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib.

 

         These royal honors are aggressively pursued as they are lucrative conduits to riches. Government officials and others become unduly obsequious when these titled businessmen seek approvals for their projects. They get what they want, no questions asked. Thus school

roofs caving in and luxury high-rise hillside apartments collapsing at the first downpour because their contractors are titled individuals and their application permits not scrutinized.

 

         Business magnate Robert Kuok related in his memoir meeting Malaysia’s first Prime Minister, Tengku Abdul Rahman, soon after independence. He wanted to discuss ideas on developing the young nation. The Tengku did meet him, but Kuok could not get his attention as the Tengku was consumed with looking up ancient Malay literature for civil titles he would be dispensing on Malaysia’s first Merdeka Anniversary!

 

         The corrosive effects of feudalism are far and wide, as well as alive and entrenched. That is quite apart from its inhibitory effects on one’s propensity towards critical thinking.

 

         Next:  Language As a Barrier To Critical Thinking

 

Semuanya Nek Berperagai Sultan

 Semua Nak Berperagai Sultan

M. Bakri Musa 2 Feb 2026 (Petikan kemas kini daripada karya saya: Qur’an, Hadith, and Quran In Critical Thinking)

Zaman dahulu kalau ada orang kampung yang naik minyak dan mengamuk, habis habis kuat pun dia hanya mencederakan seekor dua kerbau atau merobohkan pondok kampung yang sudah usang. Begitu jugalah halnya dengan sultan yang berkelakuan sumbang pada masa itu; kesannya terhad. Namun hari ini, kerenah kecil seorang sultan boleh melumpuhkan seluruh negara, malah meletakkan tanda aras yang amat rendah bagi perilaku yang dianggap boleh diterima.

Perangai ini kemudiannya ditiru oleh orang bawahan, daripada Perdana Menteri dan barisan kabinet hinggalah ke peringkat mandur. Mereka semua mahu dilayan bak ‘sultan kecil’ di jajahan masing-masing—satu fenomena yang saya istilahkan sebagai "Sindrom Sultan" dalam buku saya terdahulu, The Malay Dilemma Revisited: Race Dynamics In Modern Malaysia. Golongan "Little Napoleon" dalam perkhidmatan awam hari ini hanyalah satu variasi daripadanya.

Di sinilah letaknya punca masalah. Apabila pengarah dan ketua jabatan berlagak sombong seperti sultan dan bukannya bertindak sebagai ketua eksekutif yang selalu turun padang, maka tiada kerja yang akan selesai. Mereka lebih sibuk dengan protokol dan kemewahan pejabat, sambil mengangkat nilai kesetiaan lebih tinggi daripada kecekapan kakitangan. Pekerja di bawah pula enggan atau tidak berani mempersoalkan ketua mereka.

Lihat sahaja Najib Razak, Perdana Menteri dari 2009 hingga 2018. Dalam masa yang singkat sahaja lama beliau dan isterinya untuk hanyut dalam khayalan kemewahan seolah-olah mereka adalah kerabat diraja. Isterinya, Rosmah Mansor, membayangkan dirinya sebagai kononnya "First Lady" dan sangat menikmati gaya hidup yang serba menunjuk-nunjuk. Sesuka hatinya dia membelanjakan berjuta wang rakyat demi kepuasan peribadi.

Sindrom Sultan ini juga menjelma dalam pelbagai cara lain yang lebih licik namun nyata. Bayangkan suasana mesyuarat yang dihadiri oleh Raja atau Sultan, bukan sekadar sebagai simbol istiadat, tetapi memegang tanggungjawab eksekutif seperti Canselor universiti atau ketua badan agama.

Acara mukadimah sahaja sudah memakan sebahagian besar masa mesyuarat kerana masing-masing sibuk menyembah dan mengucup tangan sultan. Setiap penceramah pula berlumba-lumba memuji sultan dengan kata-kata yang melangit. Sukar untuk membayangkan sebarang keputusan penting yang dapat dicapai dalam mesyuarat sedemikian. Yang lebih penting, adakah sesiapa yang berani menyanggah atau mengajukan soalan yang kritis kepada baginda?

Lihat pula pelbagai majlis rasmi gilang-gemilang yang melibatkan Perdana Menteri Anwar minggu lalu. Segala apa yang beliau khutbahkan hanya akan masuk telinga kanan, keluar telinga kiri. Sesi yang meleret-leret itu hanyalah alasan bagi penjawat awam untuk keluar daripada meja tugas dan kerja mereka.

Unsur feudalisme masih hidup subur di Malaysia. Bersama dengan itu datanglah hierarki status yang kaku lagi tegar, di mana orang bawahan tetap tunduk patuh kepada mereka di atasan. Jika seorang bawahan berani mempersoal atau sekadar meminta penjelasan daripada ketuanya, dia hanya akan mengundang markah buruk, atau mungkin lebih parah lagi. Seorang bawahan bukan sahaja dilarang bertanya, malah perlu lebih daripada itu—dalam bahasa pasarnya, kena pandai membodek, sama ada di dalam atau di luar waktu pejabat.

Masalah ini menjadi lebih parah apabila ketua anda bukan sahaja berkuasa dalam skim rasmi, tetapi juga di luar bidang itu. Di awal kerjaya ibu bapa saya sebagai guru pada tahun 1950-an, ketua tertinggi mereka adalah seorang ahli kerabat diraja (walaupun pertaliannya agak jauh). Secara birokrasi, beliau berada beberapa tingkat di atas kedudukan ayah saya sebagai guru biasa. Mungkin di anggap bahawa kerabat diraja ini tidak mempunyai kesan apa apa pun terhadap kerjaya ibu bapa saya, kecuali satu fakta: dia tinggal sekampung dengan kami.

Kesalahan ibu bapa saya hanyalah kerana mereka tidak membawa "ufti" ke rumahnya, sebagaimana yang diharapkan dalam budaya feudal Melayu. Ayah saya dibesarkan di Rantau, sebuah kawasan yang dibanjiri oleh kaum pendatang yang bekerja di lombong bijih timah dan ladang getah kolonial. Amalan membawa ufti kepada penghulu atau ketua tempatan adalah sesuatu yang asing bagi mereka, dan sifat itu sebati dalam diri ayah saya.

Oleh sebab kerana kekhilafan kecil yang tidak disengajakan itu, ibu bapa saya telah ditukarkan dari satu kawasan "hitam" yang terpencil ke kawasan lain ketika kemuncak pemberontakan komunis dalam tahun lima pulohan.

Tidak hairanlah orang bawahan tidak memberikan nasihat selain daripada apa yang mahu di dengar oleh ketua mereka. Tujuh puluh tahun kemudian, Malaysia masih tidak berubah.

Seterusnya: Jarak Kuasa Dalam Budaya Melayu 

The Sultan Syndrome

  

The Sultan Syndrome

 

M. Bakri Musa

Feb 2, 2026

Updated excerpt from my Qur’an, Hadith, and Quran In Critical Thinking.

 

In days of yore if an erratic villager were to run amok, he would inflict damage upon only a buffalo or two at most, and perhaps a dilapidated kampung shack; likewise with a misbehaving sultan then. Today however, a sultan’s minor mischief would impact the whole nation, setting a new low of acceptable behavior. That in turn would be imitated by their underlings, from the Prime Minister and his cabinet members to the lowly foremen. They too would expect to be treated as mini-sultans of their respective domains, a phenomenon I referred to in my earlier book The Malay Dilemma Revisited: Race Dynamics In Modern Malaysia as the “Sultan Syndrome.” Today’s civil service “Little Napoleons” are but a variant.

 

         Therein lies the problem. If directors and departmental heads were to behave imperiously like sultans instead of being engaged executives, then nothing would get done. They would be consumed with the trappings of their offices while valuing loyalty above competence from their subordinates. They in turn would not dare question their superiors.

 

         Consider Najib Razak, Prime Minister from 2009 to 2018. It did not take long for him and his wife to adopt and enjoy their perks and delusions as if they were members of the royalty. His wife, Rosmah Mansor, fancied herself as First Lady, relishing the accompanying ostentatious lifestyle. She could on a whim spend millions of public funds for her own gratification. 

 

         This sultan syndrome is also being manifested in many other sinister and none-too-subtle ways. Picture the scene at meetings where the King or Sultan would be in attendance, not as a ceremonial figure but as someone with executive responsibilities, as being university chancellors or heads of religious bodies.

 

         The introduction alone would consume a good part of the meeting with everyone genuflecting (sembah - bowing down and kissing the hand of the sultans). Each speaker would outdo each other in addressing the sultan in ever-glowing terms. It would be hard to imagine anything substantive being accomplished during such meetings. Of greater import, would anyone dare disagree or pose any probing questions to or of him?

 

         Witness the many elaborate public ceremonies involving Prime Minister Anwar just this past week. What he preached will go through one ear to another. Those drawn out sessions are but excuses for civil servants to be away from their desks and work.  

 

         Feudalism is alive and flourishing in Malaysia. With the feudal structure comes strict, rigid hierarchical status with subordinates remaining obsequious to their superiors. Were a junior to question or even seek clarification from his superior, it would only invite some demeriting remarks, or worse. A junior must not only refrain from asking questions but go beyond as, to put it in the colloquial, bodek (sucking-up) in and out of official functions. 

 

         Problems get worse when your superior is not just in the official scheme of things but also beyond. Early in my parent’s careers as teachers in the 1950s, their ultimate superior was a member of the royalty, long stretched out. He was also several bureaucratic hoops above my father’s lowly teaching position. As such this member of the royalty should have had minimal impact on my parents’ careers, except for one salient fact. He lived in the same kampong with us.

 

         My parents’ fault was that they did not bring tributes to his house, as expected in Malay feudal culture. My father was brought up in Rantau, an area inundated with immigrants working on the surrounding colonial tin mines and rubber estates. Bringing tributes to local chieftains was alien to them, and that rubbed off on my father.

 

         For that minor unintended slight, my parents were transferred from one remote “black” area to another during the height of the communist insurgency.

 

         No surprise that subordinates do not give advice other than what their superiors wanted to hear. Seventy years later Malaysia has not changed.

 

Next: The Bane of Hofstede’s “Power Distance”