Selamat Hari Raya 'Idilfitri!
Ma’af Dzahir dan Batin!
To You and Yours
May the generous spirit of Ramadhan flows into Syawal
Have a safe and joyous season!
M. Bakri Musa
Syawal 1, 1429
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Seeing Malaysia My Way
Malaysian-born Bakri Musa writes frequently on issues affecting his native land. His essays have appeared in the Far Eastern Economic Review, Asiaweek, International Herald Tribune, Education Quarterly, SIngapore's Straits Times, and The New Straits Times. His commentary has aired on National Public Radio's Marketplace. His regular column Seeing It My Way appears in Malaysiakini. Bakri is also a regular contributor to th eSun (Malaysia). He has previously written "The Malay Dilemma Revisited: Race Dynamics in Modern Malaysia" as well as "Malaysia in the Era of Globalization," "An Education System Worthy of Malaysia," "Seeing Malaysia My Way," and "With Love, From Malaysia." Bakri's day job (and frequently night time too!) is as a surgeon in private practice in Silicon Valley, California. He and his wife Karen live on a ranch in Morgan Hill. This website is updated twice a week on Sundays and Wednesdays at 5 PM California time.
First posted on my SEEING IT MY WAY column, Malaysiakini.com,
“916” Not A Failure
When (it appears less of an “if” now) Anwar Ibrahim takes over the government, he will face the monumental twin problems of undoing the damage wrecked upon our institutions as well as containing the inevitable implosion of UMNO.
Failure in either would effectively doom Anwar, Pakatan, and
Unity of Purpose
Even if Anwar were to secure substantially more than the 31 promised crossovers in Parliament, his government would still be a coalition of political parties with diverse and often opposing ideals. Besides, the parties have had only a very short experience of working together, not to mention their equally contrasting and conflicting personalities!
Anwar could learn much from his predecessors. In the 1950s, the distrust among the races was even greater, yet Tunku Abdul Rahman was able to forge an “
He was able to overcome their considerable differences by focusing on the few agreed-upon objectives, among them the sharing of political power and seeking the end of colonial rule. Each party had to make considerable concessions to secure their common goals.
It helped that those early leaders genuinely liked each other, having shared their formative years together as students. They knew each other’s families and attended each other’s social parties. Consequently they harbored considerable personal goodwill towards each other that eased their inevitable policy differences.
Anwar successfully used his awesome political skills to make his coalition partners concentrate on their commonalities and less on their differences. Before the elections he made them focus on a singular objective: denying Barisan its supra-majority. He succeeded, and then some. In governing, Anwar should similarly emphasize the twin objectives stated in my opening statement, and only on those two.
Anwar is also gifted with many of the charms and warmth of the Tunku. It is no mean feat to have Hadi Awang and Lim Kit Siang share the same table! Anwar should continue using that special talent not only on his Pakatan coalition leaders but also across the aisle. He should consider his earlier tenure as an UMNO leader an asset, and leverage that to foster greater cooperation with its leaders.
He must adopt the personal philosophy of President Reagan: party politics stops at
Differences in policies and philosophies will always be there, but these ongoing social relationships would help lubricate those differences and prevent them from reducing us to shrill denunciations of each other.
If UMNO Youth leaders could play regular golf tournaments with their PAP counterparts, then surely Hadi Awang could listen to sermons by Abdullah Badawi, and vice versa.
Ramadan is a splendid opportunity for such social interactions by inviting non-Muslim fellow leaders in and out of Pakatan to a community iftar. Others include the wonderful Malaysian tradition of “Open House” during festive seasons. These would provide excellent occasions for our leaders to socialize with each other, and more importantly, to be seen doing so. Such public gestures of goodwill would percolate down.
Government of National Reconciliation
Anwar could also take a leaf from another illustrious predecessor, Tun Razak. Following the May 1969 riot, Tun Razak formed a government of national reconciliation by inviting all parties to participate in his much-expanded Barisan Nasional.
Anwar need not necessarily expand his coalition but he could tap outstanding members from UMNO and other Barisan parties for his cabinet. American presidents often have in their cabinet individuals from the other party, for example, Republican William Cohen serving under Democrat Bill Clinton.
Undoubtedly Anwar will encounter resistance from his side, especially those who consider ministerial appointments as the spoils of war, to be distributed only among the victors. To help overcome this, Anwar must select only the most capable from the other side. This would also demonstrate his commitment to meritocracy.
There will be resistance too from across the aisle, as evidenced by their refusal of Penang Chief Minister Lim’s offer. Used to the culture of corruption, they would consider such good faith gestures as attempts at corrupting their members. To overcome that, appeal to their sense of patriotism, that this would be a national service. Also reassure them that they would still maintain their party affiliation.
One leading candidate to offer a cabinet position would be Zaid Ibrahim. His commitment to reforming the judiciary matches that of Anwar and Pakatan. Another would be Tengku Razaleigh, unless of course he wins UMNO’s Presidency this December. His intimate knowledge of the economy and wide business experience would reassure the nation. There are a few other promising candidates deep in the belly of UMNO Youth who have not yet succumbed to the corruption culture of their party.
Anwar should cast his talent net wide and deep. There are many highly capable Malaysians in academia, the professions, and private sector. A note of caution; they may have the knowledge and executive skills but they often lack the necessary political polish. However, a brief tutelage by the master should equip them well.
Inevitably there will be those over-exuberant members of Pakatan who would like to punch the final nail onto Barisan’s (UMNO specifically) coffin. Resist the temptation. Pakatan’s folks should value the importance of a viable and vibrant opposition. Relishing the collapse of Barisan or UMNO would not be good for anyone.
Unlike many, I do not consider the uneventful passing of “916” a failure. On the contrary, Anwar is wise in being cautious and not stubbornly adhere to some artificial, self-imposed deadline.
After over 50 years of domineering rule, UMNO’s imprint is strong everywhere, in the civil service, academies, military, and even the private sector. Overcoming these considerable institutional inertias would be formidable. Go easy; let those operatives get used first to the idea of change.
We do not need a tumultuous or worse, an unexpected switch. That would be disorientating, and can be destabilizing. Instead, let the existing establishment be the first to get fed up with the present power struggle and ensuing uncertainty. Then they would be begging for someone, any one, to take charge!
Dr M. Bakri Musa
September 9, 2009
From UMNO Youth’s Hishamuddin wildly jabbing his keris to the malicious distribution of Pakatan Rakyat’s purported “Babi Cabinet” list, there is no question as to the coarsening of political discourse in Malaysia. That alone would not be enough to concern Malaysians.
We are also becoming dangerously polarized racially. Sadly, our leaders are blissfully ignoring this dangerous development; they continue egging on their supporters. Prime Minister Abdullah, as head of UMNO, has yet to admonish Hishammudin for his ugly race-taunting antics, thus implicitly encouraging others to do likewise.
This deepening polarization has many Malaysians worried. One of them is Suflan Shamsuddin. In his book, Reset: Rethinking The Malaysian Political Paradigm, Suflan puts forth his analysis of our current dilemma, and advances his unique solutions.
Suflan blames our race-based political parties. If he has his way, he would “reset” the current system such that only racially inclusive parties that consciously broaden their appeal to all communities could partake in elections. Non-inclusive parties that cater to a narrow racial base could contest only if they were to come under an inclusive coalition.
Suflan’s rationale is clear. These parties would then have to broaden their appeal and not, as at present, cater to their most chauvinistic followers. Under his plan, race-exclusive parties like UMNO, MCA and MIC that come together under an “inclusive coalition” like Barisan Nasional would be allowed to contest elections, but not PAS, unless it were to come under similar inclusive coalition, which it did in the last election under Pakatan Rakyat.
To Suflan, only the Democratic Action Party (DAP) and Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR), the only two race inclusive parties, would be allowed to contest under their own banner.
This is the weakness of his argument. While PKR is genuinely multiracial in its ideals and membership, DAP is not. While DAP’s constitution may explicitly state that it is non-racial, in reality Malays are as rare in that party as a meat dish in a vegetarian restaurant. Gerakan still has its inclusive ideals, at least in the beginning; today it is exclusively Chinese and fighting to displace MCA in the Barisan coalition.
You cannot rely on a party’s name or professed ideals on whether it is inclusive or not. After all, North Korea calls itself the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. They fool only themselves.
In truth, today’s political realities demand that parties broaden their appeal across racial boundaries unless they are satisfied with their perpetual fringe opposition status. Even the insular folks in PAS recognize this, however clumsily. In the last election it fielded its token non-Muslim candidate, and a woman at that! The remarkable success of the opposition parties in the last election when they coalesced under the Pakatan Rakyat banner is another proof of this.
The test on whether a party is racially inclusive or exclusive lies not with its constitution or avowed declarations of its leaders, rather on how it is being perceived by voters. Barring particular parties ahead of time is not the answer. Let voters decide. They have a good track record, having buried such entities as Parti Negara and the Socialist Front.
PKR’s recent spectacular success indicates that Malaysians are now warming up to the idea of non race-based parties; there is no need for any legislation as per Suflan’s suggestion. Nor do I fully agree with his assessment that the political system is to be blamed for our present predicament. I too wish that our politicians would not pander to and stir up the baser racial instincts of their followers.
The greater blame must however, fall on leaders, in particular Prime Minister Abdullah. It is his willful neglect that permitted our racial sore to reopen, and now spewing out its putrid poison.
Earlier leaders like Tunku Abdul Rahman and Tun Razak managed to rein in and in many instances disassociate themselves from the excesses of their chauvinistic followers. The greatest threat to a plural society like Malaysia is a weak and ineffective leader. Unfortunately that is what we have in Abdullah. Note that even Mahathir overcame his earlier reputation as an ultra nationalist by being a decisive leader.
As Suflan rightly observes, our “country has survived … distrust, prejudices and antagonism between communities … by recognizing natural political cleavages along racial lines …. We successfully relied on communal representation ….”
In making his case for race-inclusive parties, Suflan, like others, also implies that Malaysia’s greatest threat is interracial conflict. I disagree. The most likely and dangerous threat is not inter-racial rather intra-racial, specifically conflicts among Malays. Malays are dangerously polarized along cultural, religious and socioeconomic lines. Worse, those fracture lines converge; affluent, liberal, urban, secular Malays versus their poorer, rural, conservative, Arab-oriented brethrens.
Further, disputes between Malays and non-Malays are over material matters, like scholarships, access to contracts, and economic opportunities. These are what Albert Hirschmann calls “divisible conflicts;” they can be resolved through negotiations and compromises. Splits among Malays on the other hand are over core values; they are “indivisible conflicts,” not readily solvable and thus more dangerous.
Consider this: UMNO Youth leaders have regular golf games with their counterparts in Singapore’s PAP but have yet to engage PAS Youth members in any goodwill gestures. They do not even attend the same mosque!
Re-Examining The Social Contract
The bulk of the book deals with Suflan’s analysis of the current malaise and schisms in our political system, and on the path we had taken to be where we are today. Suflan contributes enormously to the national dialogue. His is a nuanced discussion, his arguments put forth deliberately and rationally, with no diatribes, grandstanding, name-calling, or demonizing any party or personality.
Whether discussing Ketuanan Melayu, the New Economic Policy, the social contract our earlier leaders struck, or the special place of Islam and Malay rulers in our constitution, Suflan presents the various viewpoints objectively and conveys the passions of their proponents. He does not advocate any particular position, rather for us to understand and appreciate the different perspectives. His is an exercise in educating and informing, from someone well qualified by experience and training to do so.
Trust comes only through better understanding the various communities’ concerns and aspirations. As Suflan rightly observes, without trust, not even the most elaborate contract would save a relationship. This caution is particularly relevant to those who think that by merely tinkering with the constitution or passing legislations we would reduce distrusts or build relationships.
We could abolish the NEP overnight through legislation but that would not solve our race relations unless we also address the basic issues that brought forth that policy. By the same token we could remove the egregious abuses of the NEP through executive actions without waiting for changes in statutes, and thus remove the bulk of the grievances Malays as well as non-Malays have towards that policy. More practically, doing so would not stir the racial hornet’s nest.
Suflan is a corporate attorney with a multinational firm, and is based in London. The forte of such lawyers is in bringing various parties together and closing the deal. Their skills are in earning the trust and respect of all sides through frank discussions of potential pitfalls and emphasizing the mutual benefits. This book reflects Suflan’s professional style. It attempts to bring Malaysians together by pointing out the dangers of relentlessly pursuing our current narrow and divisive path as compared to the rewards that would accrue were we to change to a strategy of more inclusiveness.
Contrast that to the style and often personality of trial lawyers a la Karpal Singh who relish courtroom histrionics in order to sway judges and juries. Theirs is to demolish the credibility of the other side. Malaysian politics would do well with more Suflans and fewer Karpals. Politicians who advocate forcefully for the narrow racial interests of their followers may win their little battles but would eventually lose the war.
Malaysian politics faces yet another major problem. In the past politics attracted the talented and ambitious; today those Malaysians are more likely to succumb to the lures of the lucrative private sector or multinational corporations. Suflan is a ready example. Attracting such talents to politics is the one major challenge for Malaysia. Our leaders have yet to recognize this.
Consequently we have what had been termed as “Division III” leaders. Worse, some are outright flunkies who think that they can buy their way into anything, including seemingly impressive doctorates. They are also ruthlessly ambitious, a dangerous combination. We will continue having them until we attract talents like Suflan to politics.
With RESET Suflan initiates an important dialogue; he invites all Malaysians to partake in it. We would also do well to emulate his style: cool, rationale, and hearing as well as respecting all sides. That is, instead of thrusting our kerises we should thrust our best arguments.
RESET:Rethinking the Malaysian PPetition to free RPK, Teresa & all ISA detainees |
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Friday, 19 September 2008 01:20 | |
I’ve signed the petition; Please join me! M. Bakri Musa. If you haven’t please click the image below, read the petition and sign it, please, and then get all your family and friends to do the same.
http://harismibrahim.wordpress.com/2008/09/19/petition-to-free-rpk-teresa-all-isa-detainees/ |
Beware! Cavemen Working!
M. Bakri Musa (www.bakrimusa.com)
The arrest under the ISA of Raja Petra Kamaruddin, editor of the hugely popular Internet commentary portal Malaysia-Today, together with journalist Tan Hoon Cheng and MP Teresa Kok, as well as the “show cause” letter to three newspapers expose the caveman thinking and behavior of those we have entrusted to lead our nation.
To think that this repressive action is being taken during our holy month of Ramadan! So this is the essence of Abdullah Badawi’s much-hyped Islam Hadhari!
I join millions of other law-abiding Malaysians in condemning this latest Neanderthal action of the Abdullah Administration in its callous disregard for basic human rights and dignity. Unlike many however, I am not shocked by Abdullah’s latest act. On the contrary, it is so predictable. Raja
After all, the only tool a caveman has is his club, and the only skill he has learned is to swing it around wildly. When that does not work, the only choice in the caveman’s thinking is to get a bigger club and to swing it even more recklessly, even at the risk of destroying everything around him, including himself.
The government had earlier blocked Raja Petra’s website, but when that proved ineffective (as mirror sites popped up immediately everywhere) as well as embarrassing (as it showed the government’s impotence and stupidity), the caveman in Putrajaya dropped his club and grabbed an even bigger one and began swinging it clumsily around.
Rest assured that no matter how big the club or how hard the caveman swings it, this “new” strategy will not work either. We no longer live in caves and Malaysians – our leaders excepted – have long evolved from our Pithecanthropus phase.
Contrary to the official portrayal, Raja Petra is not and never was a threat to the safety and stability of the nation. That major threat comes instead from those cavemen in Putrajaya. Through his highly influential website, Raja Petra has done a yeoman’s job bringing the sunshine into that dark cave, using his website as a massive reflector. Unfortunately its dim-witted dwellers, long used to working under equally dim light, found this sudden brightness blinding; hence they went berserk.
Raja
Earlier the government had directed its agencies to block access to Malaysia-Today. When that proved futile they reversed their decision. Now they arrested him under the ISA. What will they do next when they discover that too will fail? Some folks are slow learners, others like Abdullah and his minions never learn at all. Another feature of the caveman!
The Phenomenon That Is RPK
Raja Petra Kamaruddin is more than just an individual or a blogger; he is a phenomenon. His creation, Malaysia-Today.net, now has a robust life of its own. Through it Raja Petra has successfully ignited the passion for freedom among Malaysians. This fire is now burning bright not only at Malaysia-Today.net but also everywhere its sparks have landed.
Even if Abdullah could douse down Malaysia-Today, a major supposition given his demonstrated ineptness, he could never suppress this yearning for freedom among Malaysians.
Nor for that matter could anyone else. Raja Petra had made fools of the many who tried. There was the pompous lawyer Raja Petra reduced to wild exasperations, frothing in his mouth at being unable to serve legal papers upon Raja Petra. Deputy Prime Minister Najib and his wife Rosmah wisely chose not to engage Raja Petra in any legal tussle even though he had made some serious allegations linking her to the brutal murder of a Mongolian model.
Far from being cowed by the string of lawsuits, threatened and real, civil and criminal, Raja Petra is emboldened. The only way they could “put him in” was not through the normal judicial process of using the courts but by resorting to the brutish powers of the ISA.
Malaysian officials justify their use of this abominable statute by pointing out that even countries like
As for
Malaysians on the other hand have to contend with a repressive, corrupt and inefficient government as well as a rapidly eroding standard of living. The worse possible combination!
Social Entrepreneur Par Excellence
Raja
To be sure there were many others who preceded Raja Petra. He was successful because he used the medium of the season, the Internet. Had he been contented to writing columns in newspapers, delivering sermons, or making political speeches, he would, like many of his predecessors have limited if any success.
It is this unique combination of the Internet and Raja Petra together with the peculiar situation existing in
Today we, Malaysians as well as non-Malaysians are the beneficiaries. Raja
Putting Raja Petra away will not put an end to Malaysia-Today and what it stands for. It is we the people that have made what Malaysia-Today what it is. The government would have to put all freedom-loving Malaysians in jail if it ever hopes to put a stop to this phenomenon that is Malaysia-Today.