Parliament Must Replace Najib With
Tengku Razaleigh
M. Bakri Musa
Malaysia cannot afford
Najib Razak’s continued inept leadership. As UMNO has failed to terminate his
leadership, and the next election is too far away, it is now up to Parliament
to do the necessary. Najib, who is also Finance Minister, will table his budget
on October 25, an opportune time for Parliament to pass a no-confidence vote on
the budget – and hence his leadership – thus forcing the son of Tun Razak (TR-1)
to resign. MPs have a far greater duty beyond loyalty to their leader, and that
is loyalty to their country.
With the Will and Guidance of Allah, SWT, Najib can spare himself this unprecedented disgrace and simultaneously
relieve his fellow parliamentarians of this distasteful chore by ceding the
Prime Ministership to Tengku Razeleigh (TR-2). By gracefully withdrawing now,
Najib could return later to lead his party for the 14th national
election, and would be a better leader for this voluntary hiatus.
Should Najib contemplate being stubborn,
he should remind himself of similar parliamentary
practices resulting in the ejection of his contemporaries. In August, British
MPs denied Prime Minister Cameron his motion to intervene in Syria. This defying
the leader is also not alien to UMNO. TR-1 did it to Tunku Abdul Rahman, albeit
in a soft, subtle way. The wise and sensitive Tunku readily saw the signals.
A parliamentary no-confidence vote would not affect
Najib’s UMNO presidency. The constitution does not mandate the leader of a
ruling party should also be prime minister. That is only tradition, tenable
only as long as he has Parliament’s confidence.
As UMNO has the largest parliamentary representation, it
is appropriate that one of its members should be the Prime Minister. There is no
better choice than TR-2. He is a glittering gem to the sparkle of pebbles that
is the current UMNO leadership. He also has the exquisite synthesis of talent
and experience.
Rest assured that TR-2 would not be preoccupied with
reelections and the consequent pandering to various constituencies, Najib’s
destructive obsession. He would focus exclusively on running the country. With no
children, TR-2 would have no grandiose pretensions of starting a political dynasty,
yet another preoccupation of current leaders.
Malaysians can be assured that TR-2, like TR-1, would
pick only the competent and untainted to be his ministers and advisors. They would
reflect the man; his team would be the antithesis of Najib’s. TR-2 has no need for
courtiers or cheerleaders.
Unlike Najib, TR-2’s executive and leadership abilities have
been tested inside and outside of government. Malaysians can be assured that
there would be no freelancers or lone rangers in TR-2’s team spouting out offensive
racial taunts. Najib on the other hand could not restrain the extremist ulamas on
his payroll who think that the marriage of a Muslim to a non-Muslim is invalid.
Najib is not up to par even when compared to his
lackluster predecessor, Abdullah Badawi. With Abdullah, Malaysians within and
beyond his party clearly expressed their disapproval; some politely, others
less so. The man recognized this and wisely withdrew.
Dissatisfaction with Najib is palpable even or especially
within his party. However, he is a stubborn mule, and with as much insight. He
must be told in no uncertain terms by Parliament that his leadership is wanting.
As a dumb mule responds only to a big stick, anything less would not do it.
Relieved from running the country, Najib could focus on
ridding UMNO of its fortune seekers. They mock the party’s aspiration of Agama,
Bangsa, Negara (Faith, Race, and
Country). There is nothing Islamic or Malay about corruption, cheating and the
plundering of our nation’s wealth. There is no reflected glory for Malays to
see UMNO leaders grow glutton on hogging the public trough. Malaysia would be
far better without these scoundrels.
Leadership Crisis
Akin to Post-May 1969
Parliament has the
right – indeed obligation – to terminate Najib’s tenure. Malaysia today has a
critical leadership crisis comparable to the post-1969 period. That too was
triggered by an electoral setback suffered by the ruling coalition. We are
fortunate so far to be spared the associated tragedies and destruction, despite
the incendiary taunting by many.
We cannot allow this dangerous situation to fester lest a
mere spark would trigger an explosion. Already our current racial poison will
take generations to detoxify, assuming it stops right now. Najib however, shows
no inclination or competence to do so. Inter-racial as well as intra-racial –
specifically intra-Malay – relationships are deteriorating rapidly.
As with a fish, this rot begins at the head. The solution
must therefore begin with getting rid of Najib.
As with post-1969, citizens today yearn for a more
representative or “unity” government to de-escalate the dangerously heightened
social and racial polarizations. The unprecedented failure of the ruling
coalition to gain the majority popular votes adds to this demand. Granted, in
our “first past the post” system, the number of seats won would not necessarily
correlate with the popular votes, nonetheless the stunning size of the
discrepancy triggered the angst.
Such a wide discrepancy could still be accepted if the
institutions and personnel conducting the elections were truly non-partisan and
have unchallenged integrity. The Malaysian Election Commission is far from
either.
That 1969 tragedy led to the resignation of Prime
Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman. His successor, TR-1, set up a unity government
through enlarging the old Alliance coalition to the current expanded Barisan
Nasional. Such strategy would not be the best route today. The objective of a representative
and reconciliative government would best be served by having the new Prime
Minister invite a few talented opposition members into his administration.
Consider that US President Obama, who secured a far stronger mandate than Najib,
has an opposition Republican Chuck Hagel as his Defense Secretary.
TR-2 is TR-1’s protégé. No one else, least of all Najib,
could claim that. The late TR-1 was a sharp spotter of talent. He put TR-2 to
set up and lead Pernas when he (TR-2) was only 32 years old, and four years
later, Petronas. At Petronas, TR-2 took on the powerful global oil companies
and pioneered unique and highly profitable production-sharing contracts with
the oil majors that later became the model for other state oil companies.
Malaysia continues to reap the bounty from that brilliant and courageous
initiative.
Unique among UMNO leaders, TR-2 has cordial relationships
with the opposition; he has the credibility to execute a “unity government”. TR-2
could spot talented MPs from the opposition to be in his cabinet in the manner
of TR-1.
Those ministers from the opposition would serve as
individuals and not as representatives of their parties. They would continue to
serve until such time they could no longer support the government’s policy
pertaining to their respective portfolios. The opposition is blessed with many
bright members. It would be a great shame not to tap their talent.
Such an initiative would break the current incestuous
coupling of party positions with governmental appointments, and go a long way
towards “cleansing” UMNO of its “fortune seekers.”
Decoupling would also relieve ministers of their party’s
chores. The duties of a minister are onerous enough. American cabinet
secretaries for example, are freed of these extraneous burdens. Consider this
UMNO election season. For months now, those UMNO ministers and government
appointees have effectively abandoned their official duties; they are busy campaigning.
UMNO is the single greatest contributor to public corruption
because of the close nexus between party and government. Decoupling would sever
this sinister link.
Those party positions now held by ministers would become
vacant, allowing greater upward mobility for the members. At another level,
those senior party leaders would provide a much-needed system of checks and
balances on their party’s governmental appointees. Currently there are no such
checks and balances.
TR-1’s unity government was instrumental in quickly
restoring normalcy post-1969. Today we need Parliament to strip TR-1’s son,
Najib, of his leadership to pave way for TR-2 to lead a new, invigorated unity
government. We may contemplate the irony, but the action is an absolute
necessity.
Najib Razak could spare his fellow parliamentarians this
distasteful chore by resigning and paving the way for TR-2. Such an action
would portray Najib as someone thinking of the country ahead of himself, the very
definition of a patriot. It would also be a great tribute to the memory of his
father, Tun Razak.
2 Comments:
Article read and understood.
Now time to wake up from dream!!!
Very good article. Succinct and well balanced and all the right reasons have been put out. But there is no basis on which it can be carried out and why TRH. He is a very unhappy man when he sees how much money is now available for development. He may be tempted to take what he forgot to take the first time.
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